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However, opposition parties, in particular PAS and PPDA, did not succeed in capitalizing on the support they obtained in the October-November presidential election campaign. This was mainly due to the opposition's limited financial resources, restricted access to the media, and lack of local political leadership. The economic prospects in were uncertain. Moldova's economy advanced slower than in , with GDP growing in by 3 percent, and money remittances from abroad by approximately 10 percent.

Discussions linked to the frozen conflict in Transnistria saw some progress, including signed agreements on the apostilization of educational documents issued in Transnistria, as well as the opening of the bridge across the Nistru River between the villages of Gura Bicului and Bychok. There were no elections in Moldova in However, a very controversial initiative, the modification of the electoral system from a proportional to a mixed one, dominated the year. Civil society, opposition parties, and the international community heavily criticized the initiative, describing it as a great danger for Moldovan democracy.

The adopted version of the law will affect small and extraparliamentary parties disproportionately and benefit the governing parties. In March, PDM submitted a bill in parliament to change the existing proportional electoral system into a majoritarian one, arguing that the reform will reduce political corruption, create stronger connections between voters and policymakers, and restore citizens' trust in politicians. At the beginning of May, without notifying the government and parliamentary commissions, and despite a pending Venice Commission impact assessment and opinion, PDM and PSRM voted on both the majoritarian and mixed electoral system bills in their first reading.

According to several experts, the parties had made a deal to adopt a mixed electoral system; [ 24 ] a Transparency International Moldova analysis noted that the PSRM bill was 90 percent identical with that of the PDM. Civil society organizations CSOs called this change an inappropriate initiative. They also appealed to Moldova's international partners to condemn the adoption of the amendments and stop providing support to the government's initiatives.

In June, the Venice Commission issued its assessment, criticizing the law. Although the draft law on amending the electoral system was contested both internally and externally, [ 33 ] on July 20, the parliament adopted it with 74 votes from PDM, PSRM, and the European People's parliamentary group. According to the new electoral law, 51 uninominal constituencies will elect representatives in a one-round, "winner takes all" election. The remaining 50 deputies will be elected proportionally via party lists.

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In , Moldova's civil society sector was very active and played an important role in discussing the country's major problems. However, CSOs faced a negative atmosphere and politicians often labeled their activity as "political. Over new organizations were founded during the year, increasing the country's official total number to 11, organizations. Public discussions over civil sector demands, such as the electoral system overhaul or the investigation and communication of the result of the "billion-dollar theft" affair, failed to have an impact on the government.

Beginning in , a new funding mechanism was adopted, allowing citizens to directly donate 2 percent from their income tax indicated to a public association or religious organization. The regulatory framework for CSOs has been improving slowly and with delays. For example, in late , the government approved a draft law on social entrepreneurship. In May , the parliament voted for the law in the first reading but only approved it in November in the final reading.

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Very helpful and pleasant staff Half Board was excellent with choice and good Staff was nice enough and accommodating. Definitely recommend to visit the Capital of Historic Moldova. Although the draft law on amending the electoral system was contested both internally and externally, [ 33 ] on July 20, the parliament adopted it with 74 votes from PDM, PSRM, and the European People's parliamentary group. The room was very clean, good food.

The previous CSDS for had a very low rate of implementation — only 27 percent of the actions had been implemented. A controversial draft law on foreign funding received by CSOs also appeared in parliament in In June , the Ministry of Justice added three provisions to the final version of a law on CSOs that had been in preparation for over a year. These additions required CSOs involved in "political activities" and receiving foreign funding to publish quarterly and annual financial reports, reveal the origin and use of their financing, report expenses for their political activities, and disclose the income of their staffs.

The proposals were widely considered as an attack on CSOs that actively promote public policies or work on activities related to participatory democracy. According to Amnesty International, the amendments sought to stymie any civic activism opposing the government and risked destroying the civic sector. During the year, several state institutions attacked CSO activities, claiming the organizations play a "political" role.

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Another development in was the overnight registration of some new organizations and the reactivation of a number of so-called dead CSOs, which over the past few years had not carrived out any activities. The overnight registrations were seen as a government attempt to show that the ruling coalition's reforms enjoyed civil society support, which was also provided by GONGOs. In , a number of new foundations were launched and established. In Moldova's legal framework, a foundation is a noncommercial, apolitical organization providing no political support to any political actor. These politicians benefit from the association of their names with the foundations, while the foundations themselves are indirectly involved in promoting political activities.

In , the Moldovan media sector continued to face the same challenges as in previous years: an outdated legal framework; excessive political and oligarchic influence; external and internal propaganda and manipulation; a lack of transparency in media ownership; limited independence for the broadcasting regulatory authority; and unfair competition on the advertising market.

The World Press Freedom Index placed Moldova on the 80th place, a decline of four places compared with ; [ 55 ] the same trend was highlighted by the Freedom of the Press report, where Moldova's media was labelled as "partly free. The legal framework of the media sector remains flawed. In , the government failed to amend media laws, a demand in recent years from both civil society and international organizations, and a priority under the European Union's Association Agreement with the Republic of Moldova.

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A number of laws are almost two decades old; the Law on Print Press dates back to and the Law on Advertising was first adopted in , while the parliament has amended the Broadcasting Code, originally passed in , more than times without sufficient improvement to the functioning of this legislation. Nevertheless, in June, at the initiative of parliament speaker Andrian Candu and with the support of EU and the Council of Europe, a working group was set up, [ 58 ] with the improvement of media legislation at the top of its agenda.

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While on paper a de-monopolization and de-concentration have taken place on the media market, in reality politicians and oligarchs, chiefly PDM leader Vladimir Plahotniuc, continue to maintain control over outlets. The process of license allocations continues to occur without clear and precise criteria. Media owners have formally disposed of their ownership, but they still have effective control over outlets. In October, Law No. These provisions oblige media outlets to ensure that 30 percent of their content broadcast between 6pm and midnight consist of locally produced content.

On one hand, they could be viewed as a tool that ensures the development of Moldova's media space, protecting it from foreign propaganda and disinformation.

On the other hand, they could create problems for small media outlets, which currently have a large share of rebroadcasted content and might not have the financial capacity to produce their own. The monopolization of the advertising market remains one of the biggest challenges for the media sector. The largest advertising agency, Casa Media Plus, allegedly controlled by Vladimir Plahotniuc, remains the main player on the advertising market. In July, the Independent Journalism Center IJC offered for discussions a new draft Law on Advertising, [ 64 ] which would eliminate the inaccuracies and ambiguities existing in the current legal framework, supplementing it with new provisions guaranteeing fair competition and the effective de-monopolization of the sector.

The draft had yet to be included in the legislative agenda at year's end.

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The year saw a number of cases involving verbal attacks and harassment of journalists. Examples included the detention of journalists working for Gagauzinfo. Earlier, in April, Newsmaker. In a positive development, during the year several independent media outlets that in and the beginning of faced problems, resumed broadcasting.

However, less than three months after its launch, TV8 began to face financial problems. In August, the Analitic Media Group — the company owning TV8's license — submitted a request to the BCC asking the transfer of its broadcasting license to the public association Media Alternativa, [ 72 ] an independent journalist association created specifically to manage this media outlet.

The BCC, however, refused to approve the changes, arguing that the concession would only be accepted after the Analitic Media Group resolved the court disputes in which it had been involved. Media organizations argued that the decision to postpone the approval constituted harassment [ 73 ] and was meant to send a warning to its donors.

Manipulation and propaganda, especially by domestic outlets also continued in The manipulation techniques aimed at influencing public opinion in favor of the government and legitimizing government actions — particularly regarding the PDM proposal to change the electoral system. The presence of disinformation and manipulation in the media was documented in the reports of media organizations.

However, the BCC restricted itself only to applying a few penalties that proved to be inefficient, as the majority of these media outlets continued to violate the laws. The local public administration LPA remained one of the most trusted institutions in The LPA continued to enjoy the trust of the population, being the second institution in terms of trust 33 percent , following the Orthodox Church in Moldova 62 percent. During the year, local government representatives faced intimidation in some cases, including arrests of LPA representatives.

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The majority of those intimidated or arrested were representatives belonging to parties other than PDM. One of most important local reforms, the administrative-territorial reform, which is a priority of the Strategy on Public Administration reform for , [ 80 ] did not advance in The government instead organized several public discussions debating the reform.

In , political pressure on LPA representatives increased, with over 10 documented cases. In March, the mayor of Basarabeasca, Valentin Cimpoes, a PPPN member, was detained for 30 days and subsequently placed under house arrest; [ 83 ] Cimpoes was charged with negligence of duties. In September, Grigore Policinschi, the president of the Donduseni rayon district and a PCRM member, was arrested for "causing serious damages to the state by considerably damaging the public interest," [ 84 ] and, as in the case of the mayor of Basarabeasca, Policinschi was charged with abuse of power.

Most of these steps relied on an erroneous interpretation of the legal framework and according to some analysts, the real goal behind them was to force local officials to join or support PDM and its policies. In June, Ilan Shor, the mayor of Orhei and the key suspect in "the billion-dollar theft", was sentenced to seven and a half years in prison.

According to some political analysts, the sentence pronounced in his case displayed the double standards of justice in cases involving local elected officials. The fact that Ilan Shor was not obliged to return any money stolen from the three banks in the "billion-dollar theft" could indicate that he enjoys government protection. In May, Dorin Chirtoaca, the mayor of the capital, Chisinau, and the deputy president of PL, was arrested on suspicion of influence peddling and corruption in two separate cases.

In September, PSRM councilors from Chisinau's Municipal Council proposed the organization of a referendum for Chirtoaca's dismissal, which was approved and then held on November 19, [ 89 ] and which, according to many experts, was a highly politicized act.

The Central Electoral Commission declared the referendum invalid. Each government cabinet has included judicial reform and increased independence among its priorities since Even though the legal framework has improved over the years, the independence of judges and the application of legislation leave much to be desired. In , the major problem was the selective application of the law. This was demonstrated by biased judicial appointments, the examination of important cases — including those of Ilan Shor and Veaceslav Platon — behind closed doors, [ 93 ] the deterioration of prison and penitentiary treatment conditions, as in the case of Andrei Braguta, and the use of justice for political purposes.

The controversial practice of promoting judges based on unclear criteria, including those who have received low testing scores, as well as judges with a poor professional and personal integrity record continued in The SCM published the candidates' files only three days before their election, on October 17, and had refrained from organizing public debates with the candidates.

The human rights situation worsened in The levers available to police and prosecutors are disproportionate compared to the ones of lawyers and human rights defenders. Judges abuse preliminary detention; in approximately 80 percent of cases, judges complied with prosecutors' request for preliminary detention or house arrest.