Dating scene in Namangan Uzbekistan

Uzbekistan

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I also checked in all hospitals and morgues, but he was not there. The woman eventually came to Kyrgyzstan hoping that her son might have been among the refugees who fled across the border after the May 13 events. However, she did not find him in the camp. The morgue in Andijan remained practically off limits for any human rights workers or journalists. Several journalists said that their attempts to enter the morgue and receive official information from its staff proved futile, as they or their local colleagues helping them were prevented from entering the premises by plainclothes security officials.

Andijan cemeteries, where some of the victims of the killings have been buried over the last weeks, are also being closely watched to prevent the spread of information about the dead.

The Reformer and His Programme

The fate and the actual number of the wounded also remain unknown to date. He looked very tired. I asked him how many wounded [there were].

He said that ninety-six persons were brought during the night. The hospital, he was told, was heavily guarded by SNB agents who watch everyone coming in. Prompt removal of the bodies from city streets was followed by a thorough cleaning and covering up of the traces at the sites where major shooting took place. Witnesses said the government used fire trucks and water cannons to wash the blood off the streets; buildings with the most bullet marks on the walls were quickly painted over and windows were replaced.

At the same time, access to Andijan was essentially closed to obvious strangers, with numerous checkpoints established on all of the main roads leading to the city. Ten days after the events, the checkpoints were still in place, at every entrance to the city, and along the roads. While traveling to the city, a Human Rights Watch researcher went through six checkpoints on one of the roads in just one hour. Travelers to the city also undergo thorough searches and document checks. Nearly two weeks after the events, all over the city Human Rights Watch saw large groups of young men wearing blue camouflage uniforms and closely monitoring the streets.

Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan

Most witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch in Andijan clearly feared government retribution for speaking about the events. They insisted that Human Rights Watch not release their names or any details that may allow the authorities to identify them. A woman who was wounded and lost two family members on May 13 told Human Rights Watch:.

Many other people refused to talk even on condition of anonymity. Last night there was an [identification] check throughout the neighborhood. Several policemen were checking the documents in every house. Relatives of persons who have fled to Kyrgyzstan are also being pressured by the Uzbek security services. Human Rights Watch met one elderly man who had come from Andijan to the Kyrgyz refugee camp to try to convince his relatives to return home. He explained to his relatives that Uzbek security services were going house to house in the neighborhood, checking whether every person in each house was accounted for, confiscating the passports of missing people.

He had been pressured to come to Kyrgyzstan to urge his relatives to return to Andijan. The relatives refused, and the elderly man unsuccessfully tried to convince the authorities to allow him to stay in the camp, because he was afraid he would face further problems with the Uzbek security services if he returned without his relatives. Immediately following the May 13 protest and killings, Uzbek authorities imposed a strict clampdown on media coverage of the events, effectively banning journalists from entering the city and taking harsh measures against those who tried to report openly on the events.

First, authorities made sure to deal with the journalists who happened to witness the killings in Andijan, confiscating materials they managed to gather and blatantly threatening them. One journalist who was closely following the May 13 events in Andijan and stayed in the city through the night with several of his colleagues, told Human Rights Watch:. They told us it was unsafe for journalists in the city, and that there were lots of fighters in the streets. They wrote down the information from our passports Then three men in camouflage uniforms with no insignia searched us.

They confiscated memory cards from a photo camera, a cheap digital camera, and tapes from tape-recorders They requested that I show the photo files from my cell phone, asked me to produce my laptop computer, and took a CD. Then they put us into a bus and brought us to the Elite hotel. You all have thirty minutes to leave the city; otherwise, we are not responsible for your safety. We discussed that with colleagues and decided that we should leave, because there may be a provocation against us, and we left Andijan.

Journalists who tried to get to Andijan in the days following the killings encountered considerable obstacles. The journalists were first stopped and briefly detained in a village near the city of Namangan, and then again at one of the checkpoint at the entrance to Andijan. At the checkpoint they requested the tapes [the crew had filmed the checkpoint], and we had to delete the recording immediately.

The journalists returned to Tashkent the next day to acquire accreditation. Babitski left the next day. While blocking journalists from entering Andijan and suppressing every effort to report on the events independently, Uzbek authorities responded to growing international concern by demonstrating that they have nothing to hide, and organized a tour for diplomats and journalists to Andijan on May About sixty diplomats and journalists, mostly representing official Russian media TV Channels 1 and 2, ITAR-TASS, Rossiiskaia Gazeta , and the like were taken to Andijan on a special plane from Tashkent and driven across Andijan in the course of approximately one hour, accompanied by heavily armed special forces troops.

According to media reports, the only witness diplomats and journalists were allowed to talk to was the father of one of the killed policemen who spoke supportively of the actions of the government to fight off the terrorists. Western diplomats expressed disappointment about the visit to Andijan, complaining about the short term and limited nature of the visit. With foreign journalists denied access to Andijan and Uzbek media strictly censored, local stringers and Andijan-based human rights activists became the most important source of information for the outside world, especially in the first days after the events.

These journalists and human rights defenders, who witnesses the events and dared to speak publicly about them, faced serious consequences. Some had to flee the country shortly after their first reports were published, having received death threats. One of the most outspoken human rights defenders, Saidjahon Zainabitdinov, whose description of the killings in Andijan was widely reported in the media, was arrested on May 21 and remains in custody to date.

The Andijan province branch of the human rights group Ezgulik Goodness reported that on May 20, , the authorities beat and harassed two Ezgulik members as they conducted independent research on the events in Andijan. Ulugbek Bakirov and Fazliddin Gafurov were on their way to interview witnesses of the Andijan demonstrations and relatives of those killed when they were stopped by three men in plainclothes who followed them in a car without a license plate.

According to Ezgulik, the men got out of the car and asked Bakirov and Gafurov where they were going. Thanks to its central location, it dominated the region during the Soviet era, and expressed aspirations to regional hegemony after independence. Its political system, created by Karimov since he came to power in , is extremely authoritarian and repressive, and corruption is prevalent at all levels of government.

At present the country faces serious tensions of regional, ethnic such as tensions with the Kyrgyz, its domestic Tajik minority and social origin caused by its archaic economic model and poor economic and social situations.

The country has witnessed major crises such as the attempt to seize power by Islamic fundamentalists in the Namangan region in , armed clashes and terrorism attacks by the Islamic militant Movement of Uzbekistan in and mass protests the revolt in Andijan in All of these have been bloodily suppressed by the government, and so far the stability of the country has been based on violent repression and total surveillance of the public, and effective control of the elites.

At the same time, in contrast for example to Turkmenistan, informal groups within the elite are permanent actors on the domestic political scene. In addition, the Islamic factor plays a role; although independent Islam is combated through repression in Uzbekistan itself, Uzbek Islamic radicals and the organisations they have created are an essential part of the global jihad , including in Afghanistan and Syria.

Uzbekistan has tense relations with its neighbours unregulated border issues, disputes about water resources, the problems of Uzbek minorities in border areas , which in the case of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan has at times teetered on the edge of open armed conflict. Uzbekistan is the largest regional challenge for Russia; it has consistently lead efforts to reduce its dependence on Russia, and in the past has periodically conducted explicitly anti-Russian policy, by drawing on support from the United States.

In recent years, as a result of the withdrawal of the West from Central Asia and the deteriorating economic situation, there has been a fall-off in the ambitions of the Tashkent government.

The death of Karimov indicates a serious crisis and the need for modifications to the authoritarian political system, of which Karimov was the creator and the keystone. The unprecedented nature of these events, the opaque political system of Uzbekistan and the determination of individual actors are boosting uncertainty, both in the internal and external dimensions. Currently the most powerful player on the Uzbek political scene seems to be the long-time head of the National Security Service which supervises both the elite and the public — the year-old Rustam Inayatov.

A likely candidate for this is the Prime Minister since , Shavgat Mirziyayev, who also enjoys the backing of Russia. In the coming months, reshuffles and purges within the elites will be inevitable the battle for the division of the spoils, and the elimination of competitors and losers.

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There may also be manifestations by the public: the socio-economic situation is bad, the scale of the problems and the tensions is high, and Uzbekistan has seen much turbulent social unrest in the past. If the struggle for power goes on too long, or the eventual successor is unable to consolidate his position, the extensive destabilisation of the country is possible, including internal conflict.

Due to the demographic potential of Uzbekistan and its strained relations with its neighbours, this would also pose a challenge in the region as a whole.

Similar Flights From Popular Destinations in United Arab Emirates

The death of Karimov and the transfer of power present a number of challenges for external actors. At the regional level, the Central Asian states fear both the destabilisation of Uzbekistan, as well as Tashkent exploiting the problems in its relations with its neighbours to channel domestic tensions outwards.

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