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It gave particular attention to the formation of black trade unions, not only to improve the material conditions of the black worker, but also to be able to back up its demands with economic pressure. That unity has become the solid rock from which the peoples' struggle is directed. All organisations that now accept this principle are either legitimate heirs of the heritage created during that unforgettable period of wars of dispossession or offshoots who broke away because they rejected this very principle, but who were later forced by events to eat their words.
Few things illustrate an organisation's ignorance of our history and struggle than to imagine that in this country the crusade for black unity only began in the s. Preparing a master plan and applying it are two different things. All over the world Utopian programmes are a common feature of many organisations.
Perhaps many critics may have dismissed the BCM as no more than a movement of this type and its ideology of Black Power as a false dream. They may have reasoned that the enemy which had given stronger and more experienced organisations a rough time was too powerful, and that it would easily put out the new fires that were beginning to lick our shores. But the BCM quickly advanced beyond plan-making and took a bold initiative on a wide front.
It began attracting attention and forced many people to take sides. Barely six years after its appearance it had made quite an impact and SASO, the driving force behind the whole movement, had won the respect of progressive opinion here and in many parts of the world. No other movement since the emergence of MK had caught the imagination of the youth as the BCM had done, undertaken so many positive mass projects, conducted its campaign with such enduring aggression and handled such a big budget.
The contribution of the BCM is even more striking if we bear in mind that when it was launched the enemy had become ruthless in dealing with its opponents; that many activists had been jailed, killed in detention, confined to certain areas or had fled the country; that the liberation movement was seriously crippled and mass political activity had been stamped out. Equally significant was the fact that the youth that now resisted government policy so uncompromisingly were products of ethnic schools.
They were a new generation of intellectuals who were trained to be spineless government tools, who would accept separate development without question, man its key positions and finally lead the black man away from solutions sought by the liberation movement. It must have been a grievous blow to Vorster to discover blacks who had been groomed from primary school to think on tribal lines could work so hard to unite Africans, Coloureds and Indians and reject apartheid with such finality.
When SASO emerged, the government and its supporters welcomed the new movement as a rebuff to the white liberals generally and, in particular, to NUSAS, hoping that this was a development much in line with their own policy. By throwing open its membership to all blacks the BCM had cut across government policy, which seeks to restrict the development of each ethnic group within the framework of a separate enclave.
But the important point for the government was that in forming a black student body, the black youth had finally broken the links with liberal white student opinion. For this reason, the government did not harass the new movement and allowed it to operate freely. In fact it is a timely reminder to us since it is an application of the general strategy of the government and right-wing liberals.
They welcome black reformist movements that believe in co-operation, or at least in peaceful non-violent solutions, because such movements can eventually checkmate the more radical movements whose policies are to fight violence with violence. The editorial comment referred to earlier expressly warned government that the effect of banning the BCM, which until then worked openly, would be to drive it into the arms of sinister forces that are a threat to the security of the country.
SASO exploited this benevolence. Before the government realised its mistake, the new organisation was shooting out roots in all directions and had established itself amongst students on all the black campuses. The unusually large number of full-time functionaries in BCM employ was a new feature and indicated the seriousness with which it viewed its mission. During specific campaigns the ANC and its allies, more especially the SAIC, were able to assemble an equally imposing full-time staff and, as an underground organisation, the ANC today has an even larger staff.
Never the less the size of SASO permanent staff was certainly a new feature.
SASO had a full-time secretary general, a permanent organiser, a director of literacy, four regional directors, a cultural committee director and various administrative assistants such as clerks, receptionists and typists. The BPC also had a full-time secretary general, a national organiser, four regional directors and several administrative assistants. To ensure that it would reach all shades of opinion the BCM produced no less than fifteen cyclostyled publications. SASO's major mouthpiece was the SASO Newsletter , printed bi-monthly with a circulation of 4 and was distributed among the black community at large.
It was meant for student consumption.
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Ten thousand copies of Creativity and Black Development were published. This was a compilation of the various papers delivered at the third general Students Council Meeting at Hammanskraal in July It was banned shortly after publication. A series of fact papers was also brought out which went in depth into particular topics. This material was also distributed chiefly among students.
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Freshers' Pamphlet , with a circulation of 9 , came out yearly. In , after the country-wide student demonstrations during the preceding year, SASO on the Attack! It was banned after publication. Apart from these there were several other publications such as 'reports of conference' commissions and seminars on particular topics as well as conference minutes.
South Africa English. It is also widely spoken by the African youth in the urban areas Even if only Afrikaners spoke the language it would still be unwise to abolish it. Taxify driver found shot dead in fuck. Sites were randomly selected from eight zones with the exclusion of Mennel, where dust monitoring commenced only in Since the Communist Party has put forward the country's most radical programme of reform and fully identified itself with the struggle of the black man. In Gauteng, summer days are warm and winter days are crisp, clear, and wind-free.
The Black Community Project published an annual magazine, Black Review , which contained a detailed survey of almost every aspect of black community life in the country. The viewpoint of leading persons in the black community was set out in Black Viewpoint. Only one issue was published. Black Perspectives complemented Black Viewpoint. A work of particular interest was the Handbook of Black Organisations , which published important details of every existing black organisation in the country: its constitution and other policy papers, aims and objects, its members and date of formation.
The idea was to collect essential facts on every organisation in the country for purposes of planning future campaigns and for quick reference. The police repeatedly confiscated its material with the result that the bulletin did not come our regularly. In it issued a policy statement which, in many respects, was similar to the Freedom Charter of the ANC. By and large the BPC however concentrated on explaining the concept of self-reliance and attempted to give guidance to the community on day to day events.
These publications constituted a powerful propaganda machine and brought the BCM into close contact with various sections of the black community. Through these organs the views of the new movement and its activities were brought to the attention of the public. At the same time these publications created a forum for members of the public. The cumulative effect of all this was to enable the BCM to put its pulse on the feelings of the people.
Progressive political critics, like Fatima Meer and the late Dr Rick Turner, began writing articles in which they assessed the new movement 6. In spite of reservations on certain aspects of its policy, they generally felt that in the light of our present situation, its emergence was a natural development and that its policy reflected the mood of the oppressed people. The BCM also developed sophisticated techniques of politicising the people and used art to achieve this goal.
Other sections of the liberation movement had tried this method in the past and staged up exciting shows that attracted large crowds. They realised that art is an effective way of spreading ideas and influencing the public, that it can take a man out of his shell into the wide world of human endeavour, where he can achieve the fullness of life by identifying himself with the struggle of mankind to create a better world, where he can be happy without making others unhappy, that by seeing a play performed, reading a novel, listening to music or poetry he can discover what other human beings were able to achieve in similar circumstances, that in South Africa good art can inspire the black man to stand up and fight.
Two interesting innovations, launched before the formation of SASO, aroused much interest. One of these was the idea of taking theatre to the people in their pondokkies and backyards. This was a revolutionary step and, with full-time and able functionaries, efficient organisation and sufficient funds, it has unlimited possibilities. Another new development was the children's Experimental Workshop, whose aim was the orientation of the children's outlook, so that at an early age they could think progressively and be able to resist all forms of racial prejudice.
African, Indian and Coloured children were organised into mixed theatre groups and presented plays, sang or recited poetry together. In this way, a new generation of artists was being created, which was free of colour prejudice and which was bound together by the common desire to build a greater South Africa. Several young artists were also involved in theatre work and, more particularly, in the productions staged by TECON. After the establishment of SASO these artists applied these innovations as part of the conscientisation campaign.
Some of their performances were based on these experiments and were definitely catching on when the BCM was banned. The press often reported that the BCM ran several clinics, some with full-time and qualified medical and nursing staff. It was also reported to be running other important community development projects in various parts of the country. Full-time functionaries, good organisation, a dynamic policy and constructive community schemes give an organisation a tremendous advantage and may help it to popularise its plans and entrench itself. But what completes the picture and excites the average man is its record in the field of conflict against the enemy - the fact that it can fight and win victories, however small.
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In its short history as a lawful movement, the BCM tried to combine ideology and planning with concrete action. If one bears in mind that SASO members were mere novices when they were forced to fight back, with members on average still in their twenties, they acquitted themselves well.
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It was mainly its open confrontation with the enemy that caught the public eye and put SASO on the map. The first of these clashes took place in May , only 28 days after the organisation had been formed. That a black man should have had the 'temerity' to attack their divide and rule master plan on such a solemn occasion was a kind of subversion the university bosses could not permit. Tiro was summarily expelled.
That was the flashpoint and the whole university was on fire, with the students demanding that Tiro be reinstated immediately and threatening not to write the June examinations. The authorities closed the university and sent all the students home.
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Their aim was to disorganise the students by dispersing them throughout the country and making united action difficult. Convinced that the recalcitrant students were sufficiently intimidated, the authorities sent new applications forms for readmission containing humiliating conditions, which the students resented. Unfortunately for the enemy, all these manoeuvres had been anticipated.