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They asked him for ID. Jean says he waited until the truck disappeared from sight, then simply walked back into the Dominican Republic. He splashed across the shallow Pedernales River and trudged up into the green mountains, past cattle herds, fields of plantain trees and the rhythmically whooshing turbines of a wind farm, carefully avoiding the checkpoints manned by soldiers on the lookout for Haitians.
After two days of walking, he reached the palmwood shack, where Lamour and the children were waiting, with no idea where he had gone. They rushed to embrace him.
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Then they gathered their things and left. At first, Jean and Lamour thought they might be able to stay in the Dominican Republic, resettling somewhere far enough from Los Patos that they could avoid detection by the men who deported Jean. They went to Avila, a rural district near the Haitian border. That way, they figured, if the situation worsened, they could escape quickly. They tried to make a living by planting a crop of beans, but a severe regionwide drought withered the plants.
They finally registered themselves in the regularization program. As the June 17 deadline approached, rumors of impending violence grew louder. Dominican neighbors reminded Jean that it was almost time to go. One flashed a hatchet blade. Uncertain of what might happen to their children, Jean and Lamour finally gave up. Then the rest of the family set out for Haiti. Jean and Lamour found a man with a truck. They had only enough money to pay him to take them just past the river to the makeshift camp at Parc Cadeau.
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In August, in the northwestern Dominican town Hatillo Palma, an accountant for the town council was raped, and she accused three unnamed haitianos of the crime. Soon after, a man of Haitian descent was hacked to death with a machete in the town. Several houses were destroyed, and hundreds of haitianos fled. The episode signaled a new stage in the crisis: As the news of reprisals spread, so did the exodus. Across the country, haitianos loaded minibuses and trucks and headed toward the border. Thousands more people of Haitian descent remain in the Dominican Republic, in legal limbo.
The naturalization applications of other Dominican-born people are still being processed, which leaves thousands more who did not apply for citizenship at all and were accordingly stripped of it. Those who already fled to Parc Cadeau were trying their best to live normal lives despite the circumstances.
The major victims of such homicides are young men, 69 percent of whom are between the ages of 15 and 19 years old. But there are many Dominicans, too, like Mario Serrano, who have been moved to help Haitians. Dominicans are a white people. This was - -,I -A. The Dominican strongman pursued harsh anti-Haitian policies despite the fact that one of his grandparents was from Haiti. Police officers fired tear gas at desperate crowds trying to enter Interior Ministry offices to get papers.
Because of the dirt storms, nearly everyone cooked on open fires inside the shelters. I heard about at least one shelter catching fire on each of the four days I was in the camp — usually during the evening meal, which was often the only one the residents ate all day. The week I visited, the Haitian Ministry of Health confirmed the presence of cholera in the camp, where people drank untreated water from the river and used the surrounding hills as a toilet. The conditions were worse than anything I saw in the Port-au-Prince displacement camps after the earthquake, which attracted the attention — for better and for worse — of a flotilla of aid groups, nongovernmental organizations and foreign militaries, as well as the Haitian government.
When it came to the people fleeing into Haiti, though, the same organizations did not seem to know what to do. Some might legally be considered refugees. Others could be dual nationals, or Haitians who returned home. Were these people the responsibility of the Dominican government? The Haitian government? The international system? Or were they entirely on their own? Workers from some small aid groups, who were doing their best to bring food and hygiene kits to the camps, told me that the Haitian government was blocking efforts to bring further aid, claiming that doing so would encourage people to stay.
Officials in Port-au-Prince, mired in a chaotic presidential election, have been content to trade accusations of blame with Santo Domingo. A July meeting of the Organization of American States, a regional organization, devolved into a shouting match. Fiallo was younger and suaver, clean-shaven in a tailored suit, an up-and-coming diplomat who studied at the London School of Economics and is active on Twitter, Flickr and Vine. I asked about the lynch mobs in Hatillo Palma that caused hundreds to flee the town and hastened the departure of many more from across the country.
Two of the 13 judges on the Constitutional Court itself wrote dissenting opinions in la sentencia , saying the ruling violated international law. Medina himself is a moderate within the Dominican Liberation Party. It infuriated the human rights advocates who wanted la sentencia reversed, but it also enraged the nationalists, who called it treason.
The Dominican economy depends on Haitian labor. Unemployment is relatively low. Many Dominican politicians adhere to an alternate and unsubstantiated modern history of the country, in which Haitian immigrants have been invading en masse, and in which their descendants were never supposed to be constitutionally entitled to citizenship in the first place.
But in truth, the Dominican government has gotten off with the mildest condemnations. In September, James Brewster Jr. John F. Kelly, head of the United States Southern Command. He looked on approvingly as a military officer helped a Haitian man fill out paperwork. Brewster, a top Obama fund-raiser appointed to the post in , declined to grant an on-the-record interview for this article. Citing counterterrorism needs and the fact that the Dominican Republic and Haiti are conduits for cocaine bound for the United States, the United States helped create and train Cesfront , the border force that most likely deported Jean in March, and has provided biometric equipment of the sort used to process immigrants and deportees.
Her own citizenship had been cast into doubt. What more is there than to just recognize that? Let me get on with my life. Give me what is mine. Early one morning in November, I went up the forested hill above Los Patos to the place where Jean and Lamour used to live.
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