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Liebermann, the first Western Jew to visit Kaifeng in , noted that "they still had a burial ground of their own".

In it was reported that their liturgy consisted only of pieces from the Bible. Perlmann, a Shanghai businessman and scholar, wrote in that "they bury their dead in coffins, but of a different shape than those of the Chinese are made, and do not attire the dead in secular clothes as the Chinese do, but in linen". In China, due to the political situation, research on the Kaifeng Jews and Judaism in China came to a standstill until the beginning of the s, when political and economic reforms were implemented.

In the s, the Sino-Judaic Institute was founded by an international group of scholars to further research the history of the Jewish communities in China, promote educational projects related to the history of the Jews in China and assist the extant Jews of Kaifeng. It is difficult to estimate the number of Jews in China. Numbers may change simply because of a change in official attitudes. The last census revealed about official Jews in Kaifeng, now estimated at some families totalling approximately people.

Some descendants of Kaifeng's Jewish community say their parents and grandparents told them that they were Jewish and would one day "return to their land", [13] others are only vaguely aware of their ancestry. The Kaifeng Jews intermarried with local Chinese sufficiently to be indistinguishable in appearance from their non-Jewish neighbors. Within the framework of contemporary rabbinical Judaism , matrilineal transmission of Jewishness is predominant, while Chinese Jews based their Jewishness on patrilineal descent.

As a result, in Israel they are required to undergo conversion in order to receive Israeli citizenship under the Law of Return. After contact with Jewish tourists, some of the Jews of Kaifeng have reconnected to mainstream Jewry. In the 21st century, both the Sino-Judaic Institute and Shavei Israel sent teachers to Kaifeng to help interested community members learn about their Jewish heritage, building on the pioneering work of the American Judeo-Christian Timothy Lerner. In , the authorities closed down the Jewish school and by the summer of both organizations' teachers had been expelled, community gatherings were prohibited, the various museum exhibits on the Kaifeng Jews closed to visitors, Jewish group tours forbidden, and the synagogue well filled in and closed off.

Difficulties with the authorities continued in the following years. The codex is notable in that, while it ostensibly contains vowels, it was clearly copied by someone who did not understand them. While the symbols are accurate portrayals of Hebrew vowels, they appear to be placed randomly, thereby rendering the voweled text as gibberish. Since Modern Hebrew is generally written without vowels, a literate Hebrew speaker can disregard these markings, as the consonants are written correctly, with few scribal errors.

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Also at the Klau Library is a haggadah from the 17th century and another from the 18th century, one written in Jewish-Persian hand, the other in Chinese Hebrew square script like that of the Torah scrolls , using text primarily from an early stage of the Persian Jewish rite. Based on the new information gleaned from this translation, Weisz theorizes after the Babylonian exile of the 6th century BCE, disenchanted Levites and Kohanim parted with the Prophet Ezra and settled in Northwestern India.

Centuries later, the Jews were expelled from China proper during the Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution —46 , where they lived in the region of Ningxia. Weisz believes they later returned to China during the Song Dynasty when its second emperor, Taizong , sent out a decree seeking the wisdom of foreign scholars.

In a review of the book, Irwin M. Berg, a lawyer and friend of the Kaifeng Jewish community, claims Weisz never figured the many religious documents— Torah , Haggadah , prayer books, etc. Such documents can be roughly dated from their physical and scribal characteristics. Even though he refers to Persian words utilized in the stelae, Weisz did not include a study on when the Judeo-Persian language of the liturgical documents first came into use in his thesis.

Judeo-Persian first developed in Central Asia during the 8th century, [35] well after the author supposes the Jews first entered China. Berg questions the historical reliability of the three stone inscriptions themselves. He gives one anachronistic example where the Jews claim it was an emperor of the Ming Dynasty who bequeathed the land used to build their first synagogue in during the Song Dynasty. Xun Zhou's conclusion is that the Kaifeng community was not Jewish in any meaningful sense. Yu Peng completely rejects the Song-entry theory, [40] which is widely accepted by many Chinese scholars.

They take it as given that Ni-wei-ni was not a Buddhist monk but a Jewish rabbi. That said, monk Ni-wei-ni did not bring Western cloth with him, and that he was not a Jewish rabbi.

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The Kaifeng Jews are members of a small Jewish community in Kaifeng, in the Henan province One man of the Gao clan, Gao Xuan, dove repeatedly into the flooded The second tablet, dating from (found in the synagogue Xuanzhang In China, due to the political situation, research on the Kaifeng Jews and. Go on any internet forum and you will be able to access myriad conversations and threads extolling the trials and tribulations of Western men dating Chinese.

According to the genealogical sequence of the Kaifeng Jewish Li clan in a book, Diary of the Defence of Pien , he ascertains that the earliest reliable date for Jewish arrival in Kaifeng is the Hung Wu Period —98 of the Ming Dynasty. The Jews pushed their phase of immigration from Mongol Yuan to Song Dynasty, Han Dynasty or even Zhou Dynasty to make it seem that the Jews had been settled in China for almost as long as the Han Chinese and to avoid being discriminated against or persecuted as foreigners.

Solomon of Shanghai received a letter inviting him to view a Torah scroll from Kaifeng that had been recently purchased by Monsignor Volonteri of the Siccawei Catholic Mission. A committee of Shanghai Jews, most of Iraqi and Egyptian origin, accompanied Solomon to view the priceless treasure now in the hands of the Church. Embarrassed and stunned at the tragic spectacle, the Shanghai Jews decided to take immediate and decisive action.

A long, emotional letter was written to the Kaifeng kehillah, chiding them for their forgotten heritage and the ignominy of disposing of their sacred Torah scrolls. Two further surges to reinvigorate the waning Society took place in and later in , but both of these attempts yielded no tangible results. According to one Iraqi Shanghai Jew, N. Apart from the prohibition against idolatry and the eating of pork, there was no longer any trace of Jewish observance.

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These same philanthropists were able to raise substantially greater amounts to aid Jewish refugees in the wake of the Russian Revolution and during World War II. Li died in Shanghai and is buried in the Jewish cemetery. His son Zongmai was adopted by a local family; he was circumcised and given the Hebrew name Shmuel, remaining in Shanghai until the end of World War II, when he returned to Kaifeng, where he died in Although the repeated analogies with Confucianism may very well have had the intent of appeasing the mandarin public, evidence seems to suggest that Judaism made an able and prudent adaptation to the values of its host culture in a manner that served to preserve its Jewish foundations.

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It is a portrayal of actors, whether as individuals or in collectives, their participation in these historical processes and the affect of these processes on identity reconstruction. Chinese academics are not permitted to conduct ethnographic research on a community that the government proclaims does not officially exist. The sparse Western scholarship on the current reconstruction of identity consists of Abraham , Urbach and Ehrlich and Liang As Abraham is currently writing her memoirs, she was reluctant at present to share with me the details of her experience.

In this regard, both in the body of this thesis, including the Appendix timeline, I have attempted to include only information that I have been able to corroborate from different sources. To my knowledge, this thesis is the only current investigation, based on my participant-observer fieldwork, of the developments in emergent cultural identity that have occurred in the last five years, in particular, locating the resurgence of shared ritual as an expression of communal self-representation. Shlomo and Dina Jin at their celebration of their Jewish wedding ceremony in Jerusalem.

This was rectified two years later.

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The Jin family burial plot contains memorial plaques extolling the Jewish ancestors of the Jin clan and is one of the only extant Jewish burial grounds in Kaifeng. The municipal government, having witnessed the immense interest of foreign Jews in the Kaifeng descendants and the financial potential for Kaifeng tourism, first established in May the Research Society and, later, in , the Construction Office, assigned the task of building a Kaifeng Jewish History Museum on the site of the former synagogue.

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While the central government had set strict guidelines that the project was to involve a historical museum for foreign tourists only, it became apparent through public statements of chairman Zhao Xiangru and the increasing independent contacts forged with foreign Jews by Jin and others, that the Sino- Judaic community viewed the project within the framework of revitalising their cultural identity.

A year before the closure, Jin had already 72 In Jin sent funds to his family to refurbish the family cemetery and its memorial tablets. To his despair, the Israeli Embassy staff had declined to meet with him. After refusing to budge from the reception area for two days, Jin was finally forcibly removed by security guards Urbach While they were again denied entry into the Israeli Embassy, the three Kaifeng Jews were nonetheless buoyed by the governmental confirmation of their identity.

Following the United Front order, police surveillance of Sino-Judaic gatherings became a common practice. In with the help of a group of Finnish Christian Zionists, Jin left with his wife and daughter for Helsinki, and from there, with the assistance of Shavei Yisrael, was able to enter Israel. In addition, because of the institutionalisation of the orthodox rabbinate in Israel, Kaifeng Jews, who measure identity through the patrilineal lineage, do not qualify as Jews according to the matrilineal standards of halacha.

The Israeli Law of Return, which allows anyone of bi-lineal Jewish descent to be a citizen of Israel, has not yet been generally applied to the Sino-Judaic community as a group. It is obvious that this is the utter misuse of a term that has an objective meaning, not only halachic but also has an objective definition. We must deal with facts not with make-believe.

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Shlomo is an outspoken advocate of immigration as a solution to the negotiation of Sino-Judaic identity construction. Jin was able to return to Kaifeng in , where he managed to regain his Chinese passport and actively urged his compatriots to emigrate from Kaifeng to Israel. How Jin managed to do this remains unclear, although his story seems to indicate a particular resourcefulness in his dealings with authorities.

Also, because Shi is frequently on tours away from Kaifeng, he is perceived as distant to the grassroots movement towards self-representational religious culture. Yet, he remains the favourite of American rabbis and academics, particularly Chinese, as he carefully conforms to the expectations of governmental policy viewing Kaifeng Jewry solely as a historical phenomenon.

In Shi embarked on the one-year program which included studies in Hebrew language as well as Jewish history and religion. During his stay, he was interviewed by Jerusalem Post reporter Michael Freund later to found the Shavei Yisrael organisation who assisted Shi Lei to further his studies for two years at the Machon Meir Yeshiva in Jerusalem. Despite his fluency in Hebrew and knowledge of Judaism, Shi Lei turned down an offer for conversion and opted to return to Kaifeng permanently in in order to teach Judaism properly to his compatriots in Kaifeng.

Today his increasing involvement with Jewish Heritage Tours of China, focusing mainly on Shanghai, Harbin and Hong Kong, entail frequent and prolonged absences from Kaifeng, thereby diminishing the constancy of these classes. For Chinese academia, representing as he does an historic as opposed to a religious Sino-Judaic identity, he is also considered the acceptable persona with whom contacts may be forged. The decentralization of the Jewish stelae, exhibits and memorabilia in several different locations Kaifeng Municipal Museum, Qingming Millenium Park, Shani Shaanxi Hall, along with the unofficial displays of Shi Lei and Guo Yan create the impression that there is little to see of Jewish tourist interest in Kaifeng, particular as the stelae and Qingming cultural exhibit are kept under lock-and key.

This explains the enthusiasm of the local CITO in , and its subsequent advocates, to consolidate a central exhibit housed in what would be a replica of the old synagogue on its original location. This would also link Kaifeng with the tourist boom already current at the nearby Shaolin Monastery and the ancient capital of Luoyang.

Shi Lei teaching to a group of Kaifeng Jewish descendants in the presence of foreign tourists. This missionary 83 In our telephone interview he suggested that Lerner and the Hong Kong missionaries associated with him had already managed to convert four or five Jewish descendants. Lerner then began regular meetings in his apartment with a group of descendants, teaching them Hebrew and Biblical history.

As the numbers increased, the group was able to procure funds to rent out a small, windowless office space on the second floor of a dilapidated commercial complex. Yet, Lerner, who has been accused of evangelising to Christian congregations in Kaifeng and has had his visa revoked on two previous occasions, has probable reasons to be cautious and secretive.

In Tim was not in Kaifeng, and Zohar Milchgrub, an Israeli student at Henan University, was then instructing various levels in Hebrew language, Jewish history and modern Israeli culture. During weekdays the Hebrew classes were held in the hot, humid attic of a ramshackle bar of a Chinese friend not far from the university campus. They first studied Hebrew on the religious kibbutz Sde Eliahu and are currently undergoing a conversion course in Yeshivat Hamivtar in Efrat. The presence of a Sino-Judaic rabbi in Kaifeng, and a literate one at that, after an absence of almost two centuries, would almost certainly alter Milchgrub and a friend from Israel rented a room on the top floor where the lessons were conducted during weekdays.

Friday afternoon classes preceding Shabbat Kiddush took place at the school. In that regard, along with his insularity, secrecy and messianic views, one of the other criticisms levelled against Lerner is that his tight control may preclude any such autonomous developments. Yet, it would be unfair to dismiss this aspect of socialization in the reconstruction of Sino-Judaic identity. These circumstances, however, vary according to the presence and participation of Jewish students on exchange at Henan University.

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Neighbours in the apartment block are free to enter Beit Hatikvah during servies. During the Kabbalat Shabbat I attended, a neighbouring Han family stood in the back, happily witnessing the liturgy of unfamiliar Hebrew chants. Moreover, the group has independently organised weekly QQ and Skype interactive lessons with Rothberg and a few other supporters. Though some of the congregation used transliterated texts, others were able to follow the service using the conventional prayer-book Siddur Tefillat Kol-peh.

Furthermore, there are still several young adults of university age at Beit Hatikvah, although they too have expressed the desire to continue their studies outside of China, whether in Israel or elsewhere. Because of its religious inclination, the Beit Hatikvah has been more or less shunned by wary Chinese academics and 92 It is not within the scope of this thesis to adjudicate the many accusations and counter- accusations put forth by both Lerner and Rothberg. It is also difficult to assess whether other issues such as personality conflicts, clan rivalries and Jewish commitment also played a part in the fissure of the two groups.

Towards the right is Gao Chao, wearing a white robe, who serves as the cantor. Rothberg has enabled his group to be the first autonomous faction in the drive for self-representation and the first in over two centuries to revitalise the important marker of shared communal ritual. Having fathered five daughters, Zhao let it be known before his death that he wanted his female progeny to perpetuate their Sino- Judaic identity.

Together with her mother and aunts, Guo Yan has stocked the main display room with Chinese beadwork, paper cuts and knitted items reflecting Sino-Judaic themes. Apart from Guo Yan, I encountered several others in the various sub-groups whose descent is not strictly patrilineal.