Great expectations dating in Volta Redonda Brazil
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Manufacturing output, which had grown by an average of 3. Both in Mexico and Brazil, qualitative changes in manufacturing were reflected in an increased use of electricity only partly explained by a switch from earlier forms of power such as steam , particularly cheap hydro-electricity.
The scale of production also increased. Brazilian industrial output grew erratically, but nonetheless dramatically, between and Two interrelated developments in the areas of transport equipment, chemicals and electrical goods point to structural change and more intensive patterns of activity.
Influenced by the greater availability of electrical power and domestic demand expansion, the first was an increase in productive capacity, the second, penetration of these sub-sectors by transnational corporate capital Dean ; Suzigan Four key trends are observable with respect to Chilean industry between and and beyond, a period of sustained if uneven expansion. Such diversification included an expansion of consumer durables output featuring household electrical goods manufacture and motor vehicle assembly , the production of a broadening mix of intermediate items like chemicals, petroleum and pharmaceuticals, plus a modest deepening of capital goods manufacture.
Indeed, in these economies, the consolidation of industries after is testimony to the scope of a pre-Crash manufacturing base. Yet, it is easy to exaggerate the magnitude of structural change in the early twentieth century, particularly the interwar period.
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For Haber, quoted at the beginning of this section, despite precocious industrial development since the mid-nineteenth century, the pace of expansion of whatever industries had been founded was very modest Haber , While some would question this assertion, the growth in manufactured output and installed industrial capacity must be set against the continued dominance of the foreign trade sector in many economies.
Agriculture and mining often remained the focus of activity even if industry may be projected as a dynamic —possibly the most dynamic— sector.
The easy phase of export-led industrial expansion based on the processing of rural products, the refining of minerals and the manufacturing of basic consumer goods was drawing to a close in the larger economies. That did not imply an inevitable transition to industrial deepening, whether provoked by external crisis or benefiting from a shift in the stance of the state. Industrialisation required a fundamental restructuring of the social order.
Arguably, it was in this respect that the First World War and the global crisis were critical. Exogenous shocks highlighted the dangers of an overdependence upon the external sector. State structures, and the societal formations within which they were embedded, in turn influenced the capacity of regimes to respond to challenges and opportunities during the interwar decades, not least in the industrial sphere: economic policy hinges on assumptions of developmentalism and sovereignty.
If states had actively promoted economic openness and growth during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, did they, at this point, consciously design policies to promote economic change, namely foster manufacturing? Perhaps it is ahistoric to ask whether states might have been proactive. However, they were unable to construct an active policy response to crises. Perhaps there was no need. Here there were barely economic, let alone political, markets. Elsewhere, though often in the face of acute difficulty, states like the Mexican, Brazilian and, possibly the Chilean, were able to internalise conflict, demonstrating a capacity to frame an autonomous economic programme and, over time, move from reactive to proactive measures.
Other states, endowed with well-established institutionalised structures, were able to accommodate regime change within the existing framework while deflecting or muting protest.
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Pragmatic domestic policies were accommodated within an international economic strategy that changed little. The result, in countries like Argentina and Colombia, was a project that was interventionist but not necessarily consciously developmental. Three phases of response to the depression may be identified. Initial policy reactions were fairly consistent from country to country —and consistently minimalist.