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A very few special-area bibliographies exist, as on family structure and demography, and the Bibliography of Japanese Anthropology and Archeology Bibliographical Series No. To account for this paucity, we must recall that sociological disciplines are not very long established in Japan nor too widespread for informal channels to serve most needs. But such informal channels inevitably begin to fail as research contributions accumulate and the discipline enlarges.

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As an initial survey, thus, this broadly planned contribution may be useful to Japanese scholars. But it was first conceived and subsequently carried through mainly to serve non-Japanese researchers in sociology and social anthropology of Japan. This Guide presents a broad though selective sample of materials in the several areas of empirical research in which Japanese scholars have been active, with particular attention to the two decades from to , and with commentary on each entry.

In all these respects it follows patterns established for -he Bibliographical Series of the University of Michigan Center for Japanese Studies, in which it takes its place; but, unlike Guides in older disciplines, it covers journal articles as well as books and monographs. Compilation began modestly when the late Professor Okada Yuzuru, chairing the Department of Sociology at the Tokyo University of Education, was in residence as a visiting scholar at the Center for Japanese Studies.

He began by calling attention of colleagues and graduate students to materials relevant to their projects. He then expanded this effort into a preliminary survey of literature, especially on family structure and demography. Following him as visiting scholar, Professor Morioka Kiyomi, of the same Department of Sociology, took over the present writer's efforts to update and expand the unpublished Okada compilation.

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Professor Morioka drew materials from his own extensive bibliography on family structure but also, to accommodate JaDan-area student interests in other aspects of sociology and social anthropology, he compiled materials on various other subjects. At this point the advantage of carrying through a more extensive project and of doing so in Japan became evident.

Professor Nakano Takashi in graciously accepted the task of building on the nucleus gathered by his-colleagues and, from his home base in the sociology department at the Tokyo University of Education, supervised the systematic selection and annotation of materials during the next two years. At this stage he established the final plan to present, in balanced coverage, an up-to-date selection of research materials, taking account both of the state of sociology and related disciplines in Japan and of principal lines of interest abroad.

Together we revised and added categories as materials came to light from the period under closest scrutiny, Decisions as to limits, organization, and format were were made jointly by both compilers; while Nakano held main responsibility for searching out materials and annotating them in Japanese and for authoritative transliteration of authors' names insofar as might be possible, Beardsley had main charge of all translation and of final annotation in English. We address persons in sociology and social anthropology as these fields are defined outside of Japan. Very few Japanese wear the label "social anthropologist.

We trust that in an era of increased multidisciplinary research, especially in such societies as Japan, this compilation will have value to persons in other disciplines. The title of this Guide designates its contents from the viewpoint of American and other Western scholars, but we have attempted to follow a comfortably lenient and inclusive definition of the appropriate scope of contents. A large proportion of users, we. This compilation offers many intriguing phenomena that have not been fully treated by Japanese researchers, and even more that receive scarcely passing mention in Japanese studies abroad despite intensive attention on the part of Japanese scholars.

Newcomers to research on Japan are urged to browse through the entries, perhaps unexpectedly to discover a i. All too few persons have acquired the skills needed for research, in comparison with the countless problems offered in the many changing dimensions of Japanese society. Far better to unlock portions of the Japanese sociological storehouse to the outer world and then push on to original work on real and important problems, rather than replicate work well enough done already or fail to be aware of what Japanese phenomena may contribute along the advancing frontier of one's discipline.

This purpose excludes or minimizes attention to certain sorts of sociological literature in Japan. Much more might be done, for instance, with materials illustrating the history of Japanese sociological studies, or materials illuminating the theoretical underpinning of sociological, ethnological, or social anthropological thought. Neither goal is pursued here, on grounds that such aims would expand our compilation mainly with replications, reviews, or critiques of European and American sociological literature.

These materials only rarely would be helpful to our imagined typical non-Japanese user who, we assume, is already familiar with theory and important American or European case studies in the original languages and who, at this point, wants information and viewpoints on Japanese society. These materials are what we provide. We do furnish leads to research of pre-war periods, although giving our main attention to postwar research, on the assumption that some students will need a springboard to materials offering historical background.

We also go beyond strict limits in another sense. Our contents mainly represent the dimensions of research done by Japanese sociologists. Rather than seek out material to meet every foreign taste, we have tended to bypass certain areas where Japanese research is thin. Where major differences in definition of disciplines occur, we have gone outside of sociology sensu stricto to include entries from what are neighbor fields in Japan for instance, from demography, folklore, and communications research to present materials important to social anthropologists or sociologists abroad.

Obviously, certain lacunae here will prove to be due to our decisions as to limits rather than to lack of research materials, so we urge users to consult other sources.

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In some cases, other Guides in this Bibliographical Series will fill the gap, since we have restricted entries on some subjects to avoid duplicate listing of materials available in Guides to the fields of Geography, History, and Political Science. As might be expected, certain problems of transliteration and translation have been difficult to solve without amibiguity. There is no such thing as absolutely authoritative transliteration of proper names in a society where persons accept without question entirely different renderings of their own names e.

Resigning to the inevitable, we have listed a few alternative personal name readings parenthetically following the reading we have chosen. An Index of Authors and an Index of Localities may help to reduce confusion. The connotations of a good many Japanese terms for traditional institutions and other social phenomena are lost or distorted by the closest English renderings. In other cases, it is not the everyday language but the scholarly jargon of English and Japanese that fail to coincide, owing to their different intellectual roots.

Compiler's Introduction

We assume it is fruitless to append a glossary, in lieu of coping with the questions encountered in each item. We trust it has been possible to clarify points most likely to mislead or confuse, often by entering the Romanized Japanese term as well as an approximate translation in the title or annotation or both. Annotations describe the contents factually and, where this might not suffice, suggest the most useful features of a work.

In some cases we offer criticism of a work's shortcomings or distortions, Since these are matters of opinion, users may not always agree. In any case, the materials are there for users to accept or reject according to their own taste. To be sure, we try to select the best works where alternatives are available; but space limits preclude listing all good materials, and it should not be necessary to add that omission of any work does not necessarily imply deprecatory evaluation of it.

The nature of the literature requires that we pay attention to journal articles as much as to books and series. It is an earlier work that suffers, if anything, for we have tried to economize by listing later materials or collections and series that provide leads to short and, often, scattered papers of earlier date, even though the unlisted original paper may be superior in detail or intelligibility and freshness. But they represent fiel ds whose intellectual taproots reach back as far as early Meiji times, when a few Japanese scholars became devoted to the grand social visions of Comte, Spencer, and Morgan.

As distinct, empirical disciplines, however, these fields -- sociology, ethnology, folklore -- took shape later than might be supposed. In fact, their separate distinction dates from barely a decade before World War II. After this war, the senior leaders in each fields were men of one age.

They had been college students in Tokyo during the effervescent 's, and all had broken away from the then prevailing teaching to move in the direction of empirical research. In time, their work decisively changed the character of social sciences in Japan. For some years, as these young scholars pursued their new gospel, they enjoyed an ecumenical colleagueship that led them to read the same books, talk together, and write for each other's journals even while each pursued his particular interests and inclinations. They had individual specialties, not different disciplines.

It was in their middle years, in the 's, that their individual interests became the basis for differentiation of sociology, ethnology, and folklore into separate disciplines. These men, the first professionals in their respective fields, were still vigorous and active in postwar years. Hence, the major works of the founding generation of these still youthful disciplines find listing in this Guide without requiring departure from its basic prirciple of main emphasis on postwar research.

To be sure, when Toda Teiz5 inherited the chair of sociology at Tokyo Imperial University in the early 's, several strains of sociologicalethnological thought already were rooted in Japan. As early as an Anthropological Association Jinrui Gakkai was formed. And a strain of ethnological-folkloristic research can be dated from when Yanagida Kunio and friends organized a Homeland Research Association Kyodo Kenkyukai. As for sociology, Toda's own chair was founded at Tokyo Imperial University in , while the first Sociological Association Shakai Gakkai was established in Up to Toda's time a considerable gap separated sociological theory from any form of empirical data-gathering, including fieldwork.

One finds exceptions, to be sure. Several groups of enthusiastic laymen, notably those around Yanagida, omnivorously gathered data out of motives ranging from antiquarianism, through love of country life, to nationalist fervor.

But they occupied no academic posts; they addressed not students but the general public who sought entertainment rather than guidance in an intellectual career; and they characteristically were unconcerned about theory to guide their research and integrate their findings. They were not unlike their contemporaries who formed local historical societies in Britain and the United States or became Volkskiindler in Germany.

On the other hand, the sociology courses that were being started in several universities, following Tokyo's example, were devoted almost wholly to the academically respected task of expounding grand social theory on models derived from Comte, Spencer, Morgan, Maine, and MacLennan. The anthropologists of the time, in a separate faculty, taught anthropometry and biological evolution, not society or culture. Though within universities it was the anthropologists in particular who were sympathetic toward non-academic students of Japanese customs, neither they nor the academic sociologists had found room to utilize this sort of research in their courses by Toda, on the other hand, after a trip around the world via Europe, spent a period in contact with leading American empirical sociologists at Chicago, and brought back high enthusiasm for fieldwork and quantitative research, applying the latter method immediately and extensively to materials such as the first Japanese census, compiled in Several students in his classes, hitherto bored with the abstractions of grand theory, seized enthusiastically on his new gospel and spread it among their friends.

Further, while browsing in the Kanda bookstores, they discovered Malinowski's glamorous and fresh field reports, functional studies by Radcliffe Brown, and world-distribution studies by Wilhelm Schmidt. These works all revealed to them certain elegant ways of bringing integrative socio-cultural theory into contact with the empirical challenge of fact-finding.

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