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It's extremely difficult to gauge what impact, if any, the fake accounts had on the election, which was won by Rousseff. She won re-election four years later before being impeached on corruption charges in Brazil's current president is Michel Temer, who was once her vice-president. And in October , the country will face another election.

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Back in , the Armando blog swatted down false rumours - for instance, that Dilma's running mate was a Satanist and that the candidate herself had a secret lesbian lover. But those interviewed by BBC Brasil admit they also produced false news themselves. One post, for instance, reported that Serra supported abortion and that Vatican officials were considering excommunicating him. The person who wrote the blog tells BBC Brasil that writers took steps to ensure that their fake stories were unfalsifiable, in this instance quoting "secret" Vatican sources.

On presidential debate nights, the team would draw lots to determine who would be responsible for the "Armando" profile, because it involved so much work. The writers referred to their social media fake accounts as "ectos" - short for "ectoplasms". They included normal-looking "people" such as "Maria de Lourdes Coelho", a grandmother in northern Brazil who called herself "the voice of women in favour of Dilma. The company bosses instructed the writers to create fake profiles with varying demographic profiles, backgrounds, professions, and writing styles, in order to reach different communities.

In the final stretch of the campaign, each employee maintained about 20 developed "ectos", in addition to the "Armando" profile. They say there was no automation or use of bots - all of the posting was done manually. Profile photos were taken from various corners of the internet: from pages and blogs outside Brazil, and from dating sites.

Most "ectos" were women with attractive profile pictures, deliberately chosen to hook in men. For instance one fake account, "Cristina Morais", described herself as a "literature teacher, 25 years old, journalism student against traditional media outlets".

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When contacted by the BBC, Soares said she was upset at her picture being copied and pasted from her travel blog. In an email, its owners denied having participated in the "production of fake news", but did not respond to a question about whether the company was engaged in creating fake profiles.

Ahead Marketing, owned by Gabriel Arantes Cecilio and, at the time, by Arnaldo Lincoln de Azevedo, said it could not comment on whether it was hired to work on Rousseff's campaign, citing internal confidentiality rules. The company's website notes that it has participated "inside and outside Brazil" in "victorious campaigns for the Presidency of the Republic, State Governments and large capitals", without specifying particular candidates or elections.

Pimentel ran for Senate in and was one of the coordinators of Rousseff's campaign. Her press office told BBC Brasil they "neither contracted or authorized any services related to fake profiles and fake news in any of her campaigns in and " and that she is "not aware of any of the companies or persons that act in this area, any action, initiative or action in this sense as part of their campaigns.

The Workers' Party, responding on behalf of Pimentel, told us they had "no knowledge about hiring any company for the creation and maintenance of fake profiles on Twitter in any election campaign. There was a third person who co-ordinated the work, according to the former employees: advertising executive Ruy Nogueira Netto, who was also a link to the Workers' Party. Contacted via email, Nogueira Netto denied that he oversaw the false account team. He said he had met officials from Rousseff's campaign "to assess the internet" at his home, but had no knowledge of what they did. Creating fake profiles to gain advantage or harm other people is illegal in Brazil, and legislation passed last year prohibits "the transmission of electoral content" through fake accounts on the internet.

This rule did not exist in Do you have a story for us? Email BBC Trending. More from Trending: YouTube's neo-Nazi music problem. On top of the charcoal lay large ceramic sherds, as well as lithics and stone clusters Fig 5a—5c. The charcoal that covered these floors consisted of charred intertwined fibres, interpreted as remnants of thatch from the roof of the structure.

The sherds found on top of the burnt surface were large, and sometimes articulated and belonging to the same vessel. They lay directly on top of the burnt surfaces, and therefore cannot represent de facto or primary refuse, but must have been deposited after the roof was set on fire and collapsed. This conclusion is reinforced by the fact that the artefacts were not burnt throughout, but only on the down facing surfaces that adhered to the burnt surface—i.

The burnt surfaces did not follow the modern inclination of the terrain, but sloped considerably towards the east, suggesting that the original architecture of the house differed from the present-day topography of the structure. The thin charcoal layers were separated by a matrix of hard packed orange clay Fig 5a. Of particular interest was Floor 3, which contained a cache of ceramics, including a small decorated cup Fig 5b and 5c , and a concentration of stones, burnt logs, columnar basalt and large ceramics. Charred bark was found amidst the ceramic cache, and a variety of carbonised botanical material was identified on this floor, including Araucaria angustifolia nodes and charred palm fibres.

The deepest floor Floor 1 lay on the transition to the natural clay, corresponding to the original cut of the pit house, and was lined with burnt cobbles associated with the charred fibres from the roof. The last burnt floor marked the transition to a sequence of seven floors where the practice of collapsing and setting fire to the roof was no longer observed. These later floors were recognised solely by changes in colour and texture: each consisted of a continuous layer of hard packed clay that followed the slope of the terrain. These surfaces were intercalated with loose clay sediments without inclusions, representing infilling events between the occupations.

On top of the compact surfaces lay charcoal, artefacts and features burnt patches, lenses of degraded basalt and stone clusters and they were sometimes cut by features such as post holes Fig 5d. With the exception of Floor 12, all floors contained remarkably few artefacts. Floor 12, the last floor before abandonment, had two small stone clusters interpreted as stone-lined fire pits, associated with charcoal and concentrations of artefacts within them and in their close proximity Fig 5e , including a stone scraper, many lithic flakes and small ceramic sherds.

The artefacts represent primary debris left to accumulate around the cooking facilities and trampled into the floor in a moment close to the terminal abandonment of House 1, when the regular cleaning evident in the previous floors was no longer practiced. Finally, on top of Floor 12, the post-abandonment stratum consisted of the humic layer and top soil, with silty clay sediments, recent charcoal from modern land clearance, small roots and loose lithics and ceramic sherds whose dispersal suggests they were slope-washed into the structure after its terminal abandonment.

It was clear from the stratigraphy that there were no major gaps in which House 1 would have lain abandoned for prolonged periods of time.

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The homogeneous sediments between the occupation floors were mostly clear of debris, resulting from rapid intentional fill episodes from single clay sources to prepare new habitation surfaces. This contrasts with the post-abandonment levels which contained appreciable quantities of loose lithics and ceramics amid the slowly accumulated and turbated natural soil formation and humic sediments. The unbroken floors and absence of soil development between them, coupled with the lack of materials that would have been washed from outside of the structure, is a strong indication that the house was not left vacant for long periods of time until its abandonment.

Bayesian statistical modelling consists in the incorporation of prior information, generally the known stratigraphic order of a sample of radiocarbon dates, in the estimation of the probable date range [ 24 — 26 ]. For example, if there is overlap between the calibrated ranges of two dates, but one is known with certainty to come from an earlier context than the other, those ranges can be narrowed with a greater precision. Thus, the combination of stratigraphy and calibrated radiocarbon dates provides a result that is more reliable than each of those lines of evidence considered in isolation [ 27 ].

In cases where a large number of radiocarbon dates are available and the knowledge about their stratigraphic relationship is secure, Bayesian modelling permits the construction of high-resolution chronologies, as demonstrated by a number of successful applications worldwide, where fine-grained chronologies sometimes attain the precision of a human generation [ 28 — 33 ]. Such stratified house structures, with multiple phases of construction, represent a fertile opportunity for the application of Bayesian modelling, allowing the assessment of household occupation dynamics within a fine-grained absolute chronology [ 33 , 34 ].

However, this line of inquiry has so far never been pursued in the archaeology of southern Brazil, due to the fact that it demands a robust corpus of absolute dates. We performed Bayesian modelling of eleven radiocarbon dates Table 1 , Fig 6 from a sequence of twelve floors in House 1 using OxCal v4. Charcoal from secure contexts in each floor was collected and sent to Beta Analytic for radiocarbon dating.

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We only dated charcoal that was directly on top of the floors or came from features that we interpreted as fire pits, hearths and collapsed roofs. Eleven dates, from all but one floor, were thus obtained and initially entered into the Bayesian model. All dates are rounded to the nearest 5 years. The unmodelled probability distributions are shown as light grey areas, and the results of the Bayesian model appear as dark grey areas. Outliers, shown in red, have been calibrated but not included in the model. We chose to obtain a vertical sequence of dates, rather than multiple dates for a single, or a few layers, due to the lack of a well-dated stratigraphic sequence from a single structure in the region.

We recognise the limitations of using a single date per floor, since the results will not provide the duration of each episode of occupation; however, within the well-defined stratigraphic sequence they do allow us to estimate the approximate intervals between episodes and assess the chronology of occupation dynamics for examples of previous research using similar datasets with good results, see [ 33 , 38 , 39 ]. We are confident that each dated sample represents a different stage of occupation of House 1.

Each sample was collected from a discrete stratigraphic layer, separated by construction fill material. The homogenous material of each fill event demonstrates the rapid construction of each remodelling, utilising a single, culturally sterile clay source. The distinct boundary between the intact floors and construction fill events evidences the continuous occupation of the structure without periods of vacancy, which would result in bioturbation, soil formation, or other deposition, such as slope wash.

Each radiocarbon date was included in the model as a phase in a sequence of contiguous phases delimited by the simple boundary command based on the lack of gaps or overlaps between the occupation floors [ 26 ] S1 Appendix. This is the model that most adequately reflects the stratigraphy of House 1.

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