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Economic incentive could be used to reduce support for the insurgency in Iraq either by employing young men in large-scale infrastructure rebuilding projects or through small-scale local sustainable development programs. It may be useful to use non- Iraqis with ethnic links to the tribes as intermediaries for negotiation and as sources of human intelligence. There are strong ethnic and tribal links among the peoples of Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and al-Anbar Governorate, owing to a history of back and forth migrations between the Arabian Peninsula and the Mesopotamian river valley.

Understand insurgent Use of Tribes. Payment for military attacks against Coalition targets is increasingly seen as the only Iraq Tribal Study Executive Summary means to provide for the family, and is often used as a recruitment tool, due to high unemployment. Attempts are made to make every member of the tribe feel that the Coalition has shamed them and to regain their honor by becoming part of the struggle.

The greatest danger to the insurgency movement is if its popular base of loyal tribes can be won away and realigned with the Coalition. Insurgents continue to reinforce the message that the Iraqi government and the Coalition attack cultural norms, honor, and way of life. The previous experience of US Army Special Forces all over the world, in Vietnam and more recently in Afghanistan, points ES Iraq Tribal Study Executive Summary clearly to the great benefits that can be gained by sincere and consistent approaches to tribal peoples.

All of the three tribes are primarily nationalistic in their ideologies; feeling betrayed by the Coalition after the fall of the former regime. In addition, the three tribes, or significant parts of them, are part of the growing movement in al-Anbar against AQIZ and its associated foreign insurgents.

This presents a window of opportunity for engagement and influence of the tribes by the Coalition. However, due to the volatile situation in al-Anbar, this window of opportunity may not be open for long. Cooperation on the part of the tribes should not be considered as support for, or even acceptance of Coalition activities. Nevertheless, this partnership, if properly managed, can establish a bond of trust that can transcend the immediate mutual interest.

In fact, if done ES Iraq Tribal Study Executive Summary well, it could possibly lead to a longer-term relationship - as long as the relationship remains in the interest of both parties. While it would be inappropriate to stereotype the entire tribe, as a course of action, the recognized leadership plays both ends of the insurgency - Coalition verses the insurgents - against the middle while maintaining a single motive, to force the Coalition to leave Iraq.

A classified annex with additional detailed information on the specific target tribes will be distributed separately. In fact, the three tribes are relatively small in comparison with the dozens of tribes, clans, houses, and families that exist in al-Anbar. Tribes are perhaps the oldest, most enduring and controversial social entity in the Middle East. From centralizing polities in the agrarian age, down to the era of industrialism and nation-states, tribes have sustained never-ending changes, acting in and reacting to changing political, military, economic, and at times even topographical environments.

In order to understand the tribes of al-Anbar Governorate, it is necessary to first understand the underlying identity characteristics of the people who are members of those tribes: Iraqi Sunni Arabs. Sunni Arabs are proud of their religious and political history. Therefore, in order to understand Iraq, one must understand the interaction between the tribes and other factors throughout the history of the land now know as Iraq. Chapter Six reviews the nature of insurgency and counter insurgency operations and identifies useful analytic and operational tools for use in efforts to influence tribes in the counter insurgency in Iraq.

Chapter Seven of the study provides emerging insights for influencing the tribes in Iraq based on the work of the previous chapters. The insights are then applied to the example case of the three target tribes and specific recommendations are made concerning how to influence those tribes to both stop supporting the insurgency and start supporting Coalition efforts in Iraq.

The Sunni Arabs of Iraq make up less than twenty percent of the total Iraqi population, 1 but have been the dominant ethno-religious group in the country since the s and at various times as far back as the Arab Conquests in the 7 th century. Since then, they have comprised the wealthiest and best-educated segment of Iraqi society. Many Iraqi Sunnis feel dispossessed - they have experienced a drastic reversal of fortune. Being a Sunni under the previous regime meant enjoying a higher standard of living than other Iraqis, such as a home in a neighborhood with better sewer, electricity, and phone service; access to superior educational opportunities; and a well paying job.

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In the post-Baath environment, the Sunni Arabs are unlikely to enjoy the same privileges and benefits. The emergence of a more representative system means that the previously under-represented Shia population will dominate the government. Iraqi Sunnis fear that that the Shia will not only control the government, but also persecute Sunnis for past Baathist oppression of the Shia.

Sunnis also fear a religious extremist government ruled by Shia clerics. The superior educational and professional opportunities the Sunnis enjoyed under the Baath prepared them to run the government, economy, and the military.

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To take advantage of these opportunities, Sunnis had to join the Baath Party. Many did so only for personal advancement, not out of a sense of true loyalty to the party. After Operation Iraqi Freedom, many of the people who are most qualified for government positions are also former members of the Baath Party, which disqualifies them from service.

This poses a practical problem that complicates the formation of a new Iraqi government and bureaucracy. It also frustrates many Iraqi Sunnis who are now unemployed and feel rejected for doing what was considered normal under the Baath regime. The Iraqi Sunnis lack organized and unified political representation in post- Baath Iraq. The Baath Party spoke for the Sunni Arabs in Iraq, and with its demise, older banned political parties must be resurrected and new parties formed. The disarray among the numerous Sunni parties compounds the uncertainty that the Sunnis feel about their place in Iraq.

Without functioning political representation, the Sunnis turn to tribes to advocate for Sunni interests. The tribe is the most enduring and important social structure for the Iraqi Sunni Arabs. The tribe provides protection, representation, and a sense of identity for its members. In the post-Baath environment, the Sunni Arabs lack a unified tribal organization; 2 - 2 Iraq Tribal Study Underlying Identity after more than thirty years of competing with each other, cooperation does not come easily.

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Key Characteristics of Sunni Arab Identity Sunni Arab identity is based on ethnicity and language, religion, tribal roots and membership, and historical experience. Sunni Arabs feel that they are part of a community that shares a set of similar characteristics, values and experiences. They regard themselves as a group apart from other ethnic and religious groups, who they see as less worthy of political power and cultural-religious legitimacy.

Arab Ethnicity The identity of the Sunni Arabs of Iraq is deeply rooted in Arab ethnicity, which is, in turn, intertwined with religion and tribal influence. As a result, anyone who speaks Arabic could claim membership in the global community of Arabs. The language itself was, and is, a source of great pride to Arabs for several reasons.

First, as the language of the Quran, Arabic is endowed with a sense of prestige. Islamic prayers may only be performed in Arabic and the Quran is only regarded as holy when recited in its original language. Modern Sunni Arabs tend to feel that their language endows them with an intellectual advantage in understanding theology, in comparison with non-Arabic speaking Muslims.

In modern Iraq, for example, most Kurds speak Arabic, at least as a second language, and Arabic is the first language of many Turkomen. Yet neither of these groups defines themselves as Arab. Arab identity in modern Iraq is based on the historical linguistic identification with Arabic-speakers, but, more importantly, from shared social values, a common historical legacy, and perceptions of the world, both past and present. Indeed, despite the hundreds of different spoken dialects of Arabic, it forms the foundation of Arab identity - and Classical Arabic, the Arabic of the Quran, is the most highly revered version of the language.

Arabic is a complex language, but its structure and phonetics makes it exceptionally adaptable to poetry, songs, and descriptive rhetoric. In fact, Arabic grammar, while complex, is extremely logical, resulting in clear repetitive patterns in word formations. This, in addition to the uniform endings and nunation of Arabic words, greatly facilitates lyrical rhythms and rhymes in the language.

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As a result, for many Arabs, Arabic is able to penetrate beneath and beyond intellectual comprehension directly to their emotions to make its impact upon them. Hitti notes: No people in the world has such enthusiastic admiration for literary expression and is so moved by the work, spoken or written, as the Arabs. Hardly any language seems capable of exercising over the minds of its users such irresistible influence as Arabic.

Modern audiences in Baghdad, Damascus and Cairo can be stirred to the highest degree by the recital of poems only vaguely comprehended, and by the delivery or orations in the classical tongue, though only partially understood. In fact, an examination of the roots of the word eloquence balugha in Arabic reveals that it is, to an Arab, an achievement akin to the attainment of masculinity or manhood.

Eloquence in Arabic is also related to the word for exaggeration, which is used 2 - 4 Iraq Tribal Study Underlying Identity extensively in Arabic. The use of exaggeration and over statement is normal in the Arabic language.

Such usage is not meant to be taken literally, but serves the purpose of effect. While the use of exaggeration and over statement seems unnecessary to non-Arabic speakers, it is necessary among Arabs in order for one to be sure not to be misunderstood - it is a crucial part of the communication process. Another key trait of Arabic speakers that is misunderstood by non-Arabic speakers is the tendency in Arabic to substitute words for actions.

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This is especially true of threats of dire action - where words are substituted for action and accepted at the same value as action. Non-Arabic speakers often see such statements as lies by the Arabic speaker if they do not carry out the threatened act. However, to the Arabic speaker and his Arabic speaking audience, the intentional act stated in Arabic can have the same weight as if the act were completed physically. In addition, in some cases, the words are seen to be even nobler than the physical act itself, particularly if the physical act might have resulted in widespread harm or destruction.

Arabic speakers understand this because it is an integral part of how they communicate within their culture. Arabism As an ethnic-cultural nationalist movement, Arabism received much of its inspiration from 19th century European nationalism, especially from the German and Italian examples. Until the late 19th century, the inhabitants of Iraq existed within a variety of overlapping authority and political structures. As westernized elites began to study European ideas, a number of Arab intellectuals argued that all those who spoke Arabic had a common identity and a shared past.

However, most individuals identified themselves by religion, familial and tribal affiliations, and local residence.

Arab nationalism first became part of the language of political protest and cultural renaissance in response to a series of reforms planned by the Ottoman Empire to promote Turkish culture.

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